UAE Secretly Helping Houthis Target Saudi-Backed Forces in Yemen? Report Makes Startling Claim
The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is allegedly providing intelligence and targeting assistance to Yemen’s Houthi rebels in their fight against Saudi-backed forces, according to an investigative report by Drop Site News. The claims, which have not been independently verified, come amid deepening tensions between Abu Dhabi and Riyadh over their competing interests in Yemen.
The alleged assistance is reportedly limited to military operations inside Yemen and does not extend to Houthi attacks on Saudi territory. If substantiated, the development would mark a significant shift in a conflict where the UAE and the Houthis have historically been adversaries.
According to Drop Site News, which cited four people familiar with the alleged arrangement, UAE-aligned Yemeni forces have helped the Houthis identify targets, while Abu Dhabi has reportedly shared intelligence directly with the Iran-aligned movement. A Yemeni source cited in the report claimed that the information had helped the Houthis track Saudi-backed commanders and anticipate troop movements.
The UAE has not publicly confirmed the allegations. Meanwhile, senior Houthi official Mohammed al-Bukhaiti denied receiving assistance from Abu Dhabi, describing the UAE’s position as one of neutrality in the conflict.
Why Would the UAE Help the Houthis?
The alleged cooperation comes against the backdrop of an increasingly bitter rivalry between Saudi Arabia and the UAE over Yemen’s political and military future.
Both countries joined the Saudi-led coalition in 2015 to support Yemen’s internationally recognised government after the Houthis seized the capital, Sanaa, in 2014. However, their strategic priorities gradually diverged.
Saudi Arabia has primarily sought to restore the internationally recognised government and contain the Houthis, while the UAE has supported southern separatist groups, particularly the Southern Transitional Council (STC). Abu Dhabi has also opposed Yemen’s Islah Party, which includes factions associated with the Muslim Brotherhood.
These competing objectives have repeatedly brought Saudi-backed and UAE-backed forces into conflict, weakening the coalition’s ability to present a united front against the Houthis.
Tensions escalated again in late 2025 when STC forces advanced into eastern Yemeni governorates bordering Saudi Arabia and Oman. Riyadh responded with airstrikes targeting a shipment of Emirati military equipment at the port of Mukalla and called on Abu Dhabi to end its military and financial support for groups operating in Yemen.
The UAE subsequently withdrew its remaining forces, while Saudi-backed government troops moved against the separatists.
The latest allegations suggest that Abu Dhabi could be seeking to preserve its influence in Yemen through indirect channels, even as its military relationship with Riyadh deteriorates. However, the available reporting does not establish the UAE’s precise objectives or prove that its leadership authorised the alleged intelligence transfers.
Intelligence Sharing Claims Raise Questions
Drop Site News reported two possible forms of assistance: support from UAE-aligned Yemeni forces in identifying targets and alleged direct intelligence sharing between Emirati officials and the Houthis.
According to the report, a Yemeni source familiar with communication channels between the two sides claimed that information continued to flow to the Houthis. The report also alleged that some UAE-backed units had failed to engage Houthi forces effectively, with certain commanders reportedly abandoning positions or declining to participate in operations in northern Yemen.
The Southern Giants Brigades and factions associated with the STC were among the forces discussed in the report. However, the STC rejected suggestions that it maintained operational communication with the Houthis or was refusing to confront them.
Amr al-Beidh, the STC’s special representative, said the council’s forces had chosen not to participate in military operations in northern Yemen but would resist any Houthi advance into southern territories.
The distinction is important: a decision by separatist forces to avoid fighting in northern Yemen does not, by itself, establish cooperation with the Houthis.
The report further claimed that a senior American official had warned the UAE that Washington was aware of the alleged assistance and urged Abu Dhabi to stop it. The account raises questions about the potential implications for US security partnerships in the Gulf, although the alleged warning has not been independently confirmed.
Houthis Make Gains as Fighting Intensifies
The allegations have emerged as the Houthis reportedly make gains along Yemen’s Red Sea coast and intensify their military campaign against Saudi-backed forces.
The group has demonstrated its ability to strike military installations with apparent precision. According to the report, attacks on coalition facilities west of Aden on October 2 and October 7 hit areas near a Saudi commander’s office and military vehicles that had recently arrived at the base.
The Houthis’ advances have complicated efforts by Saudi-backed forces to regain territory, while Saudi Arabia has intensified airstrikes against Houthi-controlled areas, including Sanaa.
Yemen’s geographical position adds to the strategic significance of these developments. The country lies near the Bab al-Mandab Strait, a critical maritime chokepoint connecting the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and the wider Indian Ocean. Any expansion of Houthi control along the coast could affect regional security and international shipping.
The conflict is also worsening an already severe humanitarian crisis. The International Organization for Migration has reported that more than 250,000 people have been displaced by escalating violence since August 1. Meanwhile, the United Nations World Food Programme has warned that humanitarian agencies cannot reach more than 600,000 people in Taiz who depend on assistance.
A New Phase in the Saudi-UAE Rivalry?
The alleged UAE-Houthi cooperation highlights the complex calculations shaping the Yemen conflict. Although Abu Dhabi and the Houthis have opposing regional relationships and strategic interests, their positions could temporarily converge where they share an objective, such as limiting the influence of Saudi-backed forces.
However, the allegations remain unverified, and the UAE has not publicly acknowledged providing intelligence or targeting assistance to the rebels. The Houthi leadership has also denied receiving such support.
If the claims are substantiated, they would expose a striking contradiction in the Gulf’s regional security landscape: a former coalition partner potentially helping the very movement it once joined Saudi Arabia to fight.
For Riyadh, the possibility of intelligence assistance reaching the Houthis from a former ally could complicate military planning and further damage relations with Abu Dhabi. For Washington, it could raise difficult questions about coordination among Gulf partners.
For now, the report points to the growing fragmentation of the anti-Houthi camp rather than establishing a formal UAE-Houthi alliance. Whether the alleged contacts represent tactical manoeuvring, an attempt to weaken Saudi influence or a broader strategic realignment remains unclear.